為什么中國(guó)長(zhǎng)期在醫(yī)學(xué)創(chuàng)新領(lǐng)域少有重大建樹？—第三部分社會(huì)心理學(xué)與進(jìn)化心理學(xué)視角
香港中文大學(xué) 王毅翔 英文版 原文
香港中文大學(xué) 王毅翔 西安長(zhǎng)安大學(xué) 徐志剛 中文版 翻譯
引言
In our recentsurvey, we documented that China is currently underperforming in medicalinnovation (1-3). From social psychology and evolutionary psychologyperspectives, in this editorial I put forward some plausible reasons topartially explain why current China is disadvantaged in science and technologyinnovation, and also why China produced few polymaths.在我們最近的調(diào)查中，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)中國(guó)在醫(yī)學(xué)創(chuàng)新領(lǐng)域表現(xiàn)不佳。從社會(huì)心理學(xué)和進(jìn)化心理學(xué)的視角，本社論列出了一些可能的原因，部分解釋中國(guó)為何在科學(xué)與技術(shù)創(chuàng)新領(lǐng)域處于落后位置，也解釋了中國(guó)為何很少產(chǎn)生國(guó)際級(jí)的大師.
1. Aristotelian principle: the ‘flow’ 1.亞里斯多德“流”原理
Intrinsic motivation is the drive to engage in a task because it isinteresting, enjoyable, or positively challenging. In 1943 psychologist AbrahamMaslow [1908-1970] introduced the concept that lowest level of human needs isprimitive: food, water, shelter, sex (4). Once those needs are satisfied, thehuman try to satisfy a sequence of other inborn needs. The need for longer termsafety follows the need for day-to-day survival, then comes a need for intimacywith other people, then the need for recognition and respect from others, andfinally self-actualization (4). The Aristotelian principle as explained byphilosopher John Rawls [1921-2002] is that other things equal, human beingsenjoy the exercise of their realized capacities (their innate or trainedabilities), and this enjoyment increases the more the capacity is realized, orthe greater its complexity.
page 458].
內(nèi)在動(dòng)機(jī)是驅(qū)使人類從事創(chuàng)新活動(dòng)的原始動(dòng)力，因?yàn)閯?chuàng)新是如此有趣，令人愉悅或者富有挑戰(zhàn)性。中國(guó)傳統(tǒng)文化將“衣、食、住、行”歸結(jié)為人的最基本生活需求，而西方心理學(xué)家亞伯拉罕·馬斯洛[1908-1970]則總結(jié)得更直接、更徹底，認(rèn)為食物、水、避身之所、性生活是人類最低生活需求。一旦這四項(xiàng)需求得到滿足后，人類就會(huì)追逐其他的與生俱來的更高層次的需求，首先是每天的一日三餐能得到保證，再次能有一份穩(wěn)定的工作和安全保障，進(jìn)一步能有自己的社會(huì)圈子，都得到滿足后，就會(huì)追逐一定的社會(huì)地位，受到別人的承認(rèn)和尊重，最后就是完全實(shí)現(xiàn)自我價(jià)值，甚至憫從心生，達(dá)濟(jì)天下了。哲學(xué)家約翰·羅爾斯 [JohnRawls ，1921至2002年]對(duì)于亞里士多德的“流”原則進(jìn)行了解釋：在相同條件下，人類超級(jí)享受其自身能力能夠得以實(shí)現(xiàn)或者展現(xiàn)（不管這種能是天生的還是經(jīng)過訓(xùn)練出來的），這種能力如果越復(fù)雜，或者越具有挑戰(zhàn)性，那么具備這些能力的人的享受程度越高。這就不難解釋為何春秋戰(zhàn)國(guó)時(shí)代，各地方士不惜冒著掉腦袋的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，東奔西走、四處進(jìn)諫以實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的謀略了。
In the early 1970s, psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi studied thenature of enjoyment by interviewing people who spent long hours and intenseeffort on activities that had little monetary reward, rock climbers, chessplayers, amateur modern dancers, and high school basketball players. Why didthey invest so much of themselves in these activities? What did they get out ofthem? Csikszentmihalyi published a series of documents elaborating the data andthe theory that now goes under the label of flow (5-7). Flow ishuman enjoyment in its most meaningful form. Human beings enjoy the exercise oftheir realized capacities. Harry Harlow [1905-1981] also showed that monkeyswould repeatedly solve mechanical puzzles despite the absence of food or otherextrinsic rewards (8). Humans persistently exhibited tendencies to enjoy thestimulation of new things, complexity, surprises, even in the absence of anyperceptible external reinforcement.
在上個(gè)世紀(jì)70年代初期，心理學(xué)家Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi 采訪了大量我們認(rèn)為是“苦行僧”的人，如：攀巖手、職業(yè)棋手、現(xiàn)代舞愛好者、校隊(duì)籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)員等，他們?cè)跊]有任何金錢獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)的情況下，卻投入大量時(shí)間和精力在他們喜歡的事情上。他們?yōu)楹稳绱税V迷地投入？他們收獲了什么？Csikszentmihalyi發(fā)表了一系列的文獻(xiàn)，詳細(xì)闡述了他獲得的數(shù)據(jù)和由此推演出的理論，并將該理論稱之為 “flow（流）” ( 5-7)。flow是人類享受中最有意義的形式。人類極其享受其已有能力的不斷訓(xùn)練、提高和實(shí)現(xiàn)，這就能解釋為什么運(yùn)動(dòng)員能近乎狂熱地投入到枯燥的訓(xùn)練中去（也能解釋為什么我們科學(xué)工作者總是愿意在自己擅長(zhǎng)的領(lǐng)域來回倒騰文章）。Harry Harlow [1905-1981]的動(dòng)物實(shí)驗(yàn)也表明，猴子在沒有食物或其他外在誘惑報(bào)酬的條件下，也會(huì)三番五次地完成機(jī)械拼圖 (8).在沒有任何可察覺的外部誘惑下，人類也持續(xù)地表現(xiàn)出享受“發(fā)現(xiàn)新事物、了解到事物的復(fù)雜性、發(fā)現(xiàn)意外驚奇”等刺激的傾向。
The pursuit of excellence is as natural as the pursuit of happiness, asMurray noted: ‘The genius…in the way they did their work, they more commonlyresembled a craftsman at his bench, struggling to get it right, agonizing overmistakes, doing it over again, with a vision of perfection insistently pullinghim onward’ [(9),
追逐優(yōu)秀就像追逐幸福一樣自然，Murray 提到，“天才從事他們工作的時(shí)候，他們更像坐在冷板凳上的匠人，精益求精地對(duì)待自己的作品，苦悶地面對(duì)各種失敗，反復(fù)琢磨，止于至善的目標(biāo)拖拽著他們一點(diǎn)一點(diǎn)兒地接近心中近乎完美的作品”。
Abraham Flexner, the founding Director of the Institute for AdvancedStudy at Princeton, USA, wrote (10): ‘While practical benefits often resultfrom pure academic research at the most fundamental level, such benefits arenot guaranteed and cannot be predicted; nor need they be seen as the ultimategoal. Ventures into unknown territory inevitably involve an element of risk,and scientists and scholars are rarely motivated by the thought of an endproduct. Rather, they are moved by a creative curiosity that is the hallmark ofacademic inquiry’.
Abraham Flexner, 普林斯頓高等研究院的創(chuàng)始院長(zhǎng)曾經(jīng)寫道，“我們生活中享受的各種技術(shù)進(jìn)步和應(yīng)用經(jīng)常來自于最原始水平的純科學(xué)研究，但這些收獲在進(jìn)行學(xué)術(shù)研究時(shí)是沒有保證要產(chǎn)出的，甚至是不可預(yù)測(cè)的副產(chǎn)物，當(dāng)然它們也不應(yīng)該作為純科學(xué)研究的最終目標(biāo)。闖入未知領(lǐng)域的探險(xiǎn)不可避免地會(huì)涉及到風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，純科學(xué)家和學(xué)者們很少將發(fā)明一種最終產(chǎn)品作為研究動(dòng)機(jī)，他們只會(huì)被自己的好奇心去驅(qū)動(dòng)，這才是學(xué)術(shù)探索的真諦！”
Also according to Schoenberg [1874-1951], an Austrian composer andpainter, and the leader of the Second Viennese School (11): ‘Those who composebecause they want to please others, and have audiences in mind, are not realartists. They are not the kind of men who are driven to say something whetheror not there exists one person who likes it, even if they themselves dislikeit. They are more or less skillful entertainers who would renounce composing ifthey did not find listeners’.
另?yè)?jù)Schoenberg[1874-1951],奧地利作曲家和畫家，第二維也納學(xué)派領(lǐng)袖人物(11)指出：“真正的藝術(shù)家有內(nèi)在的驅(qū)動(dòng)，不管有沒有人喜歡他們的作品，他們絕不會(huì)為賦新詞強(qiáng)說愁。而那些為取悅他人而作曲的人，那些頭腦中只有觀眾的人，不是真正的藝術(shù)家。他們只是技巧嫻熟的娛樂工作者，如果他們沒有找到聽眾，他們可能會(huì)放棄創(chuàng)作”。
Following the economic successes of China of recent decades, there is atendency that her citizens, including the potentially creative minority, arebeing more attracted to materialism, while there is less idealism andromanticism. This does not help China to produce high quality science.
隨著中國(guó)近幾十年來的經(jīng)濟(jì)的飛速發(fā)展，其公民，包括具有潛在創(chuàng)造力的少數(shù)人，正在被物質(zhì)主義吸引和侵蝕，而理想主義和浪漫主義者則被視為異類，人群之中他們的聲音越來微弱，這極其不利于中國(guó)高品質(zhì)科學(xué)的產(chǎn)出。
2.Reward and motivation2.獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)與動(dòng)機(jī)
The controversy over rewards has a long intellectual history (12-14).Jean-Jacques Rousseau [1712-1778] argued that if a person gets an externalreward for doing something, like money, after a while this person comes to seethe activity merely as a means to an end, rather than as an opportunity forenjoyment or exploration. Many studies find that those who are rewarded seem towork harder and produce more activity, but the product is of a lower quality,contains more errors and is less creative than the work of comparablenon-rewarded subjects working on the same problem (12,15). To offer a materialreward such as money, or try to link the task with something intrinsically moreinteresting typify the motivational strategies used by administrator, managers,teachers and parents worldwide. But psychological research now showed, if notused properly, these tactics might reduce motivation in the long term (16).
關(guān)于獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)，在知識(shí)分子界有著長(zhǎng)期的爭(zhēng)議，盧梭認(rèn)為一個(gè)人如果是為了獲得物質(zhì)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)而做某事，如：金錢。長(zhǎng)此以往，他就會(huì)將此事僅僅當(dāng)作獲利的工具，而不是當(dāng)作享受和探險(xiǎn)的機(jī)會(huì)。很多研究表明，那些為了獲得獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)的人似乎會(huì)更加努力的工作并且更加多產(chǎn)，但是他們的作品大多濫竽充數(shù)，甚至錯(cuò)誤百出，針對(duì)同一問題，在可比條件下，其作品的創(chuàng)造性往往次于那些并非為獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)所驅(qū)動(dòng)的工作。提供金錢獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)、或者將完成枯燥任務(wù)與有趣的事掛鉤，是世界上大多數(shù)管理者、經(jīng)理人、教師、家長(zhǎng)激勵(lì)下屬的慣用伎倆，也得到普遍承認(rèn)。但是心理學(xué)家認(rèn)為，這種策略如果使用不當(dāng)，往往會(huì)產(chǎn)生副作用，從長(zhǎng)期來看，會(huì)降低人們做事情的內(nèi)在動(dòng)機(jī)。
In the 1970s experiments first appeared in which people were presentedwith an interesting task like playing games, creating art or solving puzzlesfor which they received various rewards, ranging from money, sweets and goldstars to praise. The control group performed the activity without receiving anyreward at all. Both groups were then observed during a non-reward period inwhich they were free to continue performing the task or to engage in somealternative activity. It was repeatedly found that rewarding people stoppedthem continuing to do a task when no reward was available. This experiment hassince been replicated many times, with numerous variations in design and intypes of subjects (17-23). It seemed the external reward changed theirmotivation from doing a task because they enjoyed it to doing it only for thereward. Being offered an extrinsic reward seems to ‘crowd out’ intrinsicmotivations (12). Persons who are paid to solve problems typically chooseeasier ones than those who do not expect any payment (24). Particularlynegative effects are found on high-interest tasks when the rewards aretangible, expected (offered beforehand), and loosely tied to level ofperformance (25). Similarly, Murray augured that rewards may lead to morequantity of the work, but not high quality work, and also monetary award doesnot lead to excellence [(9), page 105].
上世紀(jì)70年代，心理學(xué)家做了一組非常有趣的心理學(xué)實(shí)驗(yàn)。將被測(cè)試人員分為A、B兩組，在第一階段，A、B兩組的被測(cè)人員同時(shí)從事一些有趣的活動(dòng)（如：如玩游戲、藝術(shù)創(chuàng)作、完成拼圖等），對(duì)于A組的贏者給予各種物質(zhì)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)，如金錢、糖果、甚至小星星貼紙等。對(duì)于B組則什么獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)都沒有。第二階段，對(duì)于A、B兩組，什么獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)都不給，讓他們自由地從事他們自己感興趣的活動(dòng)。經(jīng)過重復(fù)試驗(yàn)，心理學(xué)家發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個(gè)有趣的現(xiàn)象，就是在沒有獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)時(shí)，一旦宣布活動(dòng)結(jié)束時(shí)，A組的試驗(yàn)者會(huì)立即停止手中的活動(dòng)，而B組的試驗(yàn)者則有的會(huì)因?yàn)榕d趣而放不下手中的活動(dòng)。這個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)被重復(fù)了很多次，并對(duì)實(shí)驗(yàn)設(shè)計(jì)和實(shí)驗(yàn)對(duì)象進(jìn)行了調(diào)整，但是得到的結(jié)論幾乎是驚人的一致，即：外部獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)似乎將人們喜歡從事某活動(dòng)的內(nèi)在動(dòng)機(jī)轉(zhuǎn)移到了追逐獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)本身，外在動(dòng)機(jī)有時(shí)會(huì)'排擠'內(nèi)在動(dòng)機(jī)(12)。
為了報(bào)酬而解決問題的人與那些不計(jì)回報(bào)的人相比，他們往往會(huì)挑選容易的題目來做。負(fù)面影響特變?nèi)菀桩a(chǎn)生于與興趣高度相關(guān)的項(xiàng)目(如：科研、藝術(shù)創(chuàng)作等)，預(yù)期的有形物質(zhì)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)或者提前支付的報(bào)酬，是與項(xiàng)目完成的質(zhì)量松散相關(guān)的(25).同時(shí)，Murray還指出獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致工作“量”的增加，但不會(huì)導(dǎo)致工作“質(zhì)”的提高，同時(shí)金錢獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)很少能催生出卓越性的工作 [參考文獻(xiàn)9，第105頁(yè)]。
The ‘show me the money’ theory is based on the negative view of humancharacter that contends we only do things because of the monetary reward (12).Then inevitably people demand more and more cash, in order to do less and less.The other major problem with this approach is many members naturally becomeresentful of their lack of financial reward compared to those they see unfairlyreaping the benefits of ‘show me the money’ (12).
'Show me the money(無(wú)利不起早)'理論是建立在人的負(fù)面性格的基礎(chǔ)上，即主張人們做事情只是為了金錢獎(jiǎng)勵(lì).這樣會(huì)導(dǎo)致人們追逐利益最大化，即做最少的工作，而獲得最大的利益。這種風(fēng)氣一個(gè)嚴(yán)重弊端就是：拿正常報(bào)酬踏實(shí)做事的人會(huì)覺得自己非常吃虧，因?yàn)榛?/span>“無(wú)利不起早”的人收獲更多，正常人也會(huì)逐漸加入制造垃圾的行列。
Intrinsic motivation is a precious thing to be nurtured and often mightget snuffed out by external rewards (12). The reason why we pursue scientifictruth is out of curiosity, and also sometime to gain respect from those aroundus. The materialism awards and promotions currently abundant in current Chineseacademia, such as the monetary award with linkage to the number of publicationor journal impact factor or other rankings, will likely discourage China toproduce high quality science. The recent Lancet editorial (26) suggested thatcurrent huge investments in biomedical research will not translate into newdiscoveries or more reliable medical evidence without a sea change in China’scurrent research culture.
內(nèi)在動(dòng)機(jī)是一件非常寶貴的東西，它需要長(zhǎng)期培育和呵護(hù)，但是很容易被外部獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)給掐滅。我們追求科學(xué)真理的原始動(dòng)力往往是處于好奇心，或者得到周圍人的尊重。但是當(dāng)前中國(guó)學(xué)術(shù)界泛濫使用的物質(zhì)主義獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)（如：根據(jù)發(fā)表論文數(shù)量、影響因子點(diǎn)數(shù)或者學(xué)術(shù)排名）似乎不可能讓中國(guó)產(chǎn)出高質(zhì)量的科研成果。最近《柳葉刀》雜志的社論指出中國(guó)如果當(dāng)前的科研文化沒有一個(gè)徹底的改變，中國(guó)當(dāng)前在生物醫(yī)學(xué)領(lǐng)域的巨大投資似乎不可能催生出新的重大發(fā)現(xiàn)。
3.Evolutionary psychology 3.進(jìn)化心理學(xué)視角
Evolutionary psychology showed that many human drives can’t really beunderstood as ways people maximize their well-being in their own lifetimes, butcan only be interpreted as adaptations to survival and reproduction in anancestral environment (27). Natural selection refers to differential survivalor reproduction of one genotype vs. others in a population leading to changesin the gene frequencies of the population. Referred to as the ‘Baldwinevolution’, Baldwin [1861-1934] expressed the idea that, under some conditions,learned behaviors can affect the direction and rate of the evolutionary changeby natural selection (28). If this selection pressure continues in successivegenerations, the originally learned innovation or practice or culture caneventually come under genetic control and thus become a candidate for naturalselection.
進(jìn)化生物學(xué)表明，許多人類的內(nèi)在驅(qū)動(dòng)不能理解為人類在生命周期內(nèi)為自己追逐最大限度的幸福 , 而只能解釋為人類為了在祖先創(chuàng)造的環(huán)境里繼續(xù)生存和繁殖而做出的適應(yīng) (27). 自然選擇是指一個(gè)群體中某一個(gè)基因型與其他基因型發(fā)生差異化的生存或繁殖，導(dǎo)致該基因型在群體中的基因頻率發(fā)生變化。 ' Baldwin進(jìn)化理論’（由Baldwin [1861至1934年] 提出）表達(dá)了這樣的想法，在某些條件下，通過學(xué)習(xí)而得到行為可以通過自然選擇 影響到種群進(jìn)化的方向和速度 (28)。如果這種自然選擇的壓力在幾代人身上持續(xù)保留，那么原來需要通過練習(xí)而學(xué)會(huì)的創(chuàng)新、技能和文化最終由基因控制直接遺傳給下一代（這就能解釋俗話中“龍生龍，鳳生鳳，黃鼠狼的兒子會(huì)打洞”）， 這種改變的基因從而成為自然選擇的一個(gè)候選因素。
Importantly, Theodosius Dobzhansky [1900-1975] discovered that mutationswhich could be harmless could create variability far greater than anyone hadpreviously imagined. He showed that, due to random mutation, fruit flies of thesame species became quite distinct (29). Dobzhansky’s work was instrumental inspreading the idea that it is through mutations in genes that natural selectiontakes place. In addition, evolutionary biologist Richard Lewontin developed the‘niche construction theory’. It emphasizes an even closer and more imbeddedrelation between the environment and organisms. Lewontin argued that organismsare not passive receivers of environmental influences but are activeconstructers of its environment (30). Richard Dawkins further argue thatculture and technology are simply extended phenotypes (31). Like beavers’ damsor groundhogs’ underground tunnels, the human culture is the result of geneschanging the environments of their hosts, i.e., organisms who are genes’vehicles. Thus, the modified environments such as society, culture, andtechnology are extended phenotypes (31,32).
TheodosiusDobzhansky [1900-1975] 的重要發(fā)現(xiàn)是，無(wú)害的基因突變可能產(chǎn)生的物種多樣性，遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)大于以前任何人的想象。他指出，由于隨機(jī)突變，同種果蠅的可以通過基因突變變成截然不同的種類(29)。Dobzhansky 的工作對(duì)于傳播“自然選擇通過基因突變而發(fā)生“的理念發(fā)揮了主導(dǎo)作用。此外，進(jìn)化生物學(xué)家Richard Lewontin提出了“niche constructiontheory（小生境構(gòu)造理論）”。此理論強(qiáng)調(diào)環(huán)境和生物體之間的更緊密、更有機(jī)關(guān)聯(lián)的關(guān)系。Lewontin認(rèn)為生物體不僅是環(huán)境影響的被動(dòng)接受者，同時(shí)還是其環(huán)境的積極建設(shè)者 (30)。
The value of creativity in the arts, sciences, technology, and politicalendeavors is immense. Some researchers argued that creativity constitutehumankind’s ultimate resource (41). Social and technical innovation reliesheavily on creative people (42). While it is largely acknowledged thatintelligence (primarily measured by IQ) and creativity [primarily measureddivergent thinking (DT)] are related, the exact nature of their interplay isstill under debate (41). Psychologist Joy Guilford [1897-1987] found a positivelinear relationship in the lower to average IQ range while there was nocorrelation at above-average levels of intelligence (43). Above-averageintelligence is thought to form a necessary but not a sufficient condition forhigh creativity. More specifically, it is assumed that there exists a thresholdin intelligence which is usually set to an IQ of 120 (44,45).
RichardDawkins 進(jìn)一步認(rèn)為，文化和技術(shù)只是自然選擇的擴(kuò)展表型（31）。就像不同地方的海貍都會(huì)修水壩或土撥鼠都會(huì)打地洞一樣，這中技巧是生成環(huán)境造就的，不一定是從一地傳播到另一地的。該理論還認(rèn)為：人類文化是基因改變其宿主環(huán)境的過程，生物體只是基因的載運(yùn)工具。因此，改變的環(huán)境諸如社會(huì)、文化和技術(shù)都是擴(kuò)展表型。
One typical case of strong and recent natural selection is the uniquedemography and sociology of Ashkenazi Jews in medieval Europe selected for highintelligence (33). Ashkenazi Jews have the highest average intelligencequotient (IQ) of any ethnic group. They are overrepresented in fields with thehigh cognitive demands. During the 20th century, they made up about 3% of theUS population but won 27% of the US Nobel science prizes and 25% of the ACMTuring awards. They account for more than half of world chess champions (33).Another intriguing aspect is the story in Russia during 1870-1950. Russia droveout a large portion of its Jewish population, and persecuted the ones whoremained. And despite all that, Jews are over-represented among Russian significantfigures in sciences and humanity by a ratio of 4:1 during this period [(9),page 281]. However, in pre- Diaspora times, the Jews did not occupy an unusualecological niche nor did they yet exhibit unusual cognitive traits. Most Jewsthen were then farmers, just as in nearly all settled populations, and theymust have experienced evolutionary pressures similar to those experienced byother peoples of the region. There was also no elevation of intelligenceobserved among Sephardic and Oriental Jews today (34-37). Ashkenazimexperienced unusual selective pressures in medieval Europe that favoredincreased intelligence.
自然選擇的一個(gè)最近而典型的案例就是歐系猶太人(Ashkenazi Jews)在中世紀(jì)的歐洲通過自然選擇而進(jìn)化出的獨(dú)特人口和社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)和高智商（33）。Ashkenazi 猶太人 有比任何族群的都高的平均智商。他們?cè)谟行枰哒J(rèn)知要求的領(lǐng)域內(nèi)表現(xiàn)非常突出。在20世紀(jì)，猶太人只約占美國(guó)人口的3％，卻奪得了美國(guó)獲得諾貝爾科學(xué)獎(jiǎng)的27％和ACM圖靈獎(jiǎng)的25％。世界一半以上的國(guó)際象棋世界冠軍（33）都是猶太裔。另一個(gè)令人困惑的事實(shí)是：在1870-1950期間，俄羅斯驅(qū)逐了它猶太人人口中的很大一部分，并繼續(xù)迫害留在俄羅斯的猶太人。即便這樣，這段時(shí)間在科學(xué)和人文方面的杰出俄羅斯人物中，猶太裔仍然超過平均值的4倍 [（9），第281頁(yè)]。然而在猶太人遣散居住以前的時(shí)代，猶太人并沒有不尋常的社會(huì)生態(tài)，他們也沒有表現(xiàn)出不同尋常的認(rèn)知能力。大多數(shù)猶太人當(dāng)時(shí)是農(nóng)民，與其他定居民族無(wú)異。他們一定是遭受了進(jìn)化壓力，類似于相同地區(qū)內(nèi)其他民族遭受的來自于異族的壓力。另外，現(xiàn)在居在于中東和北非的猶太人(Sephardic and OrientalJews)并沒有發(fā)現(xiàn)特別高的認(rèn)知能力 (34-37). Ashkenazi 猶太人經(jīng)歷了中世紀(jì)的歐洲不尋常的選擇性生存壓力，有助于提高他們的智力。
There was an increase in the frequency of particular genes that elevatedintelligence as a by-product of this selective regime, which in the meantimeled to an increased incidence of hereditary disorders (33). Another trade-offis that Ashkenazim has relatively low spatio-visual ability, and they wouldmost likely suffer competitive disadvantage as hunter-gatherers, for example(33).
經(jīng)過環(huán)境生成壓力后，一些特殊基因的出現(xiàn)頻率會(huì)增加，智力提升是這種自然選擇機(jī)制的產(chǎn)物。另外一個(gè)折衷，歐系猶太人的空間-視覺能力相對(duì)較低，在游牧環(huán)境可能顯示一定是競(jìng)爭(zhēng)劣勢(shì)。
A similar phenomenon can be found in India. The Parsi is an endogamousgroup with high levels of economic achievement, a history of long-distancetrading, business and management. They descend from a group of Zoroastriansfrom Great Persia who migrated to India during the 8th or 10th century to avoidpersecution by Muslim invaders. The Parsis have made considerable contributionsto the history and development of India, all the more remarkable consideringtheir small numbers (constituting only 0.006% of the total population ofIndia). India’s ruling Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, which has dominated the CongressParty since independence was created when Feroze Gandhi (a Parsi with ancestralroots in Bharuch) married the then Indira Nehru. Ratan Tata, India’s mostsuccessful industrialist and owner of Jaguar Land Rover and Corus Steel, thelate Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, India’s most celebrated soldier, and theacclaimed novelist Rohinton Mistry are all Parsis (38-40).
同樣的案列還在印度被發(fā)現(xiàn)，印度帕西族（Parsi ，又稱印度拜火教徒）與其他民族相比具有高水平的經(jīng)濟(jì)成就，該民族擁有一段長(zhǎng)期從事長(zhǎng)途貿(mào)易，商業(yè)和管理的歷史。他們是Zoroastrian（瑣羅亞斯德教徒）一個(gè)分支的后裔，在第8或第10世紀(jì)，因受到穆斯林入侵者的迫害，被迫從大波斯帝國(guó)遷徙到印度。帕西族人對(duì)印度的歷史和發(fā)展做出了巨大的貢獻(xiàn)，如果考慮到他們?cè)谟《瓤側(cè)丝谥兄徽紭O小的比列（0.006％），他們的卓越簡(jiǎn)直不可想象。在印度長(zhǎng)期執(zhí)政的尼赫魯-甘地王朝，自印度獨(dú)立以來，長(zhǎng)期占據(jù)國(guó)大黨重要席位。國(guó)大黨由費(fèi)羅茲·甘地（與圣雄甘地?zé)o關(guān)）創(chuàng)建，他本人就是一位祖先發(fā)根于巴魯奇的帕西族人，后來他娶了當(dāng)時(shí)地位顯赫的尼赫魯家族的英迪拉·尼赫魯小姐，從此兩個(gè)家族在印度呼風(fēng)喚雨將近50年；Ratan Tata（塔塔）是印度最成功的實(shí)業(yè)家，是捷豹路虎和Corus 康力斯鋼鐵集團(tuán)的老板；印度陸軍元帥薩姆·馬內(nèi)克肖、印度最有名望的士兵，以及印度著名小說家Rohinton Mistry都是帕西族人（38-40）。
Thevalue of creativity in the arts, sciences, technology, and political endeavorsis immense. Some researchers argued that creativity constitute humankind’sultimate resource (41). Social and technical innovation relies heavily oncreative people (42). While it is largely acknowledged that intelligence(primarily measured by IQ) and creativity [primarily measured divergentthinking (DT)] are related, the exact nature of their interplay is still underdebate (41). Psychologist Joy Guilford [1897-1987] found a positive linearrelationship in the lower to average IQ range while there was no correlation atabove-average levels of intelligence (43). Above-average intelligence isthought to form a necessary but not a sufficient condition for high creativity.More specifically, it is assumed that there exists a threshold in intelligencewhich is usually set to an IQ of 120 (44,45).
創(chuàng)造力 (creativity) 在藝術(shù)、科學(xué)、技術(shù)和政治等方面的價(jià)值巨大。一些研究者認(rèn)為創(chuàng)造力將會(huì)是人類的終極資源 (41). 社會(huì)和技術(shù)創(chuàng)新在很大程度上依賴于有創(chuàng)造力的人(42).雖然很大程度上智商(主要由IQ測(cè)量)和創(chuàng)造性 [主要由divergent thinking發(fā)散性思維 (DT)測(cè)量]相關(guān), 但它們的確切相互作用仍具有爭(zhēng)議(41). 心理學(xué)家Joy Guilford [1897-1987] 發(fā)現(xiàn)在較低到平均智商范圍內(nèi)智商與創(chuàng)造性成正線性關(guān)系，但當(dāng)智商高于平均水平時(shí)，則二者無(wú)相關(guān)性(43). 高于平均水平的智商被認(rèn)為是形成高度創(chuàng)造力的一個(gè)必要條件，但不是充分條件。更具體地說，通常認(rèn)為IQ=120 為具有很好創(chuàng)造力的閾值(44,45).
The issue of East Asian ‘creativity problem’ has been highly debated(46-49). Some argue that the ideographic Asian languages curb abstract thinkingand creativity among Asians (48). Others point out that Asian cultures devalueand discourage critical thinking (9). Chang et al. proposed that East-Westcultural differences (e.g., independent vs. interdependent self-construal;autonomy vs. harmony in values; hierarchical vs. egalitarian relationships)could result from social learning and individual learning as primary means toadapt to the local environment (50).
東亞人的“創(chuàng)造力問題”一直是一個(gè)備受爭(zhēng)議的議題（46-49）。有人認(rèn)為表意的亞洲語(yǔ)言遏制了亞洲人（48）的抽象思維和創(chuàng)造力。其他人指出，亞洲文化貶值，阻礙批判性思維（9）。 Chang等人提出了東西方文化的差異（例如，獨(dú)立vs.相互依賴的自我構(gòu)念，自治性vs.價(jià)值觀和諧相處，自由平等vs.等級(jí)制度）可能是造成“社會(huì)（群體）學(xué)習(xí)”和“個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)”為主要手段，以適應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)氐沫h(huán)境（50 ）。
When theenvironment is relatively stable either vertically or horizontally, copying ismore effective and efficient than the individual learning of trial and error.If the environment changes rapidly, either vertically, from one generation or cohortto another, or horizontally, due to migration among habitats, copying of anexisting adaptive behavior might not be adaptive to the changing environment.Individual learning is needed to match adaptive behaviors to the changingenvironment. Individual learning is less efficient than social learning, andtrial and error takes up more time, energy, and brain power.
當(dāng)環(huán)境在時(shí)間和空間序列中相對(duì)穩(wěn)定的時(shí)候，與不斷試錯(cuò)的個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)相比，“山寨”別人是非常有效并且高效率的。如果環(huán)境發(fā)生迅速改變，無(wú)論是時(shí)間上（從一代到下一代），還是空間上的（外族移入），“山寨”一個(gè)現(xiàn)有的行為可能適應(yīng)不了正在改變的環(huán)境。此時(shí)需要通過個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)來針對(duì)環(huán)境改變匹配自適應(yīng)行為。個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)的效率要低于群體學(xué)習(xí)，因?yàn)椴粩嗟卦囧e(cuò)會(huì)占用時(shí)間、經(jīng)歷和腦力。
Historicaland contemporary evidence showed that indicates smaller extents ofenvironmental variability in China than in Europe, favoring social learning inthe East and individual learning in Europe (50). Corresponding to thesedifferent adaptive strategies, East-West differences stem from learning stylesthat differ between copying and rote memorization, on the one hand, andcritical thinking and innovative problem solving, on the other hand. Easterncultures also encourage conformity and compliance and social hierarchy all ofwhich facilitate social learning and Western cultures encourage independence,self-assertion, and personal pursuit of interest which enable individuallearning or innovation.
歷史和當(dāng)代證據(jù)表明：中國(guó)歷史上的環(huán)境突變次數(shù)要少于歐洲，導(dǎo)致了東方傾向社會(huì)學(xué)習(xí)，而歐洲傾向個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)。東西方文化差異導(dǎo)致學(xué)習(xí)方式產(chǎn)生很大的不同，東方傾向于“山寨”和死記硬背，西方在傾向于批判思維，創(chuàng)新的解決問題。除此之外，東方文化鼓勵(lì)一致性、順從和等級(jí)制度將促進(jìn)群體學(xué)習(xí)的。而西方文化鼓勵(lì)獨(dú)立、自我主張和追逐個(gè)人興趣則有利于個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)和創(chuàng)新。
Thedifferences between today’s Asians and Westerners can be due to the differentenvironments after humans left Africa. Climatic change in terms ofglacial-interglacial variations, seasonal fluctuations, and changes due tonatural disasters create pressure for phenotypic plasticity of cognitivesystems (51).
今天的亞洲人和西方人之間的差異可能是由于人類離開非洲后不同的環(huán)境造成的。在冰期 - 間冰期的氣候條件變化變化，季節(jié)性波動(dòng)，以及因自然災(zāi)害導(dǎo)致的變化都會(huì)造成壓力導(dǎo)致人類認(rèn)知系統(tǒng)（51）的表型可塑性。
Socialdynamics represents a source of environmental variability by generatingunpredictable social situations which would favor the evolution of plasticityof the brain (52). Cooperation, competition, and coalition among humans exertthe strongest pressure on brain development (53,54). Cultural adaptations andthe gene-driven cognitive adaptations act together rather than separately (32).Some authors argue that ‘an individual’s position on this continuum (of socialvs. asocial learning) is a genetically heritable trait’ (55), or that ‘Which(learning) strategy is used is genetically determined for each individual’(56). It is noted that Asian students grown up in the west retain some of thebehavioral traits of the East culture (50). Chinese students grown up in thewest tends to do well in primary and secondary schools which use more sociallearning style, but not necessarily in university which more requiresindividual learning (57,58). Chinese are known to hyper-susceptible to motionsickness (59,60); this could partially reflect our ancestors in China had aless adventurous history.
社會(huì)動(dòng)力學(xué)代表了一種環(huán)境可變性的源頭，因?yàn)樗?jīng)常產(chǎn)生不可預(yù)期的社會(huì)狀態(tài)，這將有助于人類大腦可塑性的演化。合作、競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、人與人之間的聯(lián)合為人腦發(fā)育提供了最強(qiáng)的動(dòng)力。文化上的適應(yīng)和基于基因驅(qū)動(dòng)的認(rèn)知適應(yīng)往往是一起協(xié)同工作的而不是相互獨(dú)立進(jìn)行的（32）。一些作者認(rèn)為某一個(gè)體傾向于群體學(xué)習(xí)或者個(gè)人學(xué)習(xí)的性格特質(zhì)是可以通過遺傳繼承的，或者說針對(duì)某一個(gè)體選擇哪一種學(xué)習(xí)策略是可以由基因決定的。在西方長(zhǎng)大的華裔學(xué)生往往在中小學(xué)階段學(xué)習(xí)較好，因?yàn)橹行W(xué)階段更多使用’群體學(xué)習(xí)’的方式。但他們不一定在大學(xué)階段學(xué)習(xí)好，因?yàn)榇髮W(xué)階段更需要’個(gè)體學(xué)習(xí)’的方式(57,58)。中國(guó)人容易暈車(59,60)，這可能部分反映了我們中國(guó)的古代先人很少有冒險(xiǎn)的歷史。
Arabic,Chinese, Japanese, and Indian cultures and those of the rest of Asia andelsewhere are familistic, hierarchical, and consensual, this would work againstsustained exploration and innovation [(9), page 401]. The relative lowerachievement of American students in primary and secondary schooling, ascompared to some East Asian students, may reflect more distant forces due tocultural traditions that emphasize individual learning and social learningdifferently. However, Euro-American countries remain the world leader inscientific, technological, and business innovations. The evolutionarypsychology may partially explain why it is difficult for China to producepolymaths such as Mikhail Lomonosov, Leonhard Euler, Henri Poincaré, AndreyKolmogorov, John von Neumann, or Leonid Kantorovich.
阿拉伯人、華人、日本人、印度人和亞洲其它地區(qū)的的文化大都主張家族主義、等級(jí)制度和集權(quán)主義，這是與可持續(xù)的探索和創(chuàng)新相違背的。美國(guó)學(xué)生在小學(xué)和中學(xué)階段學(xué)習(xí)相對(duì)不如東亞學(xué)生，可能反映了其遠(yuǎn)古時(shí)代強(qiáng)調(diào)’個(gè)體學(xué)習(xí)’ 和’群體學(xué)習(xí)’ 方式的不同而導(dǎo)致的遺傳傾向。然而，歐美國(guó)家仍在科技術(shù)和商業(yè)創(chuàng)新方面領(lǐng)先世界。進(jìn)化心理學(xué)可以部分解釋為什么中國(guó)很難產(chǎn)生類似羅蒙諾索夫、歐拉、·龐加萊、柯爾莫哥洛夫、馮·諾依曼、康托洛維奇等世界級(jí)的大師。
4. Conclusion4.結(jié)論
With theunderstanding of these social psychology and evolutionary psychologyperspectives as discussed above, we can see that current China is in some waysdisadvantaged in science and technology innovation. However, the unprecedentedcross-cultural exchange on a global level is likely to result in reducedEast-West differences in evolutionary psychology (61). In the meantime, thecurrent author calls for China to invest more on ‘soft’ sciences such aspsychology, and attract bright students to study social sciences, which willundoubtfully promote China’s capability to do high quality ‘hard’ sciences aswell as technological innovation. In the meantime, the author calls for moreidealism and romanticism.
通過對(duì)這些社會(huì)心理學(xué)的理解和對(duì)進(jìn)化心理學(xué)視角的觀察，我們可以看見當(dāng)前的中國(guó)在科學(xué)與技術(shù)創(chuàng)新領(lǐng)域處于不利地位。然而,前所未有的全球性跨文化交流可能會(huì)減小東西方基于進(jìn)化心理學(xué)方面的差異。而且作者呼吁中國(guó)應(yīng)該在心理學(xué)等方面的軟科學(xué)上增加更多投資，吸引更多聰明的學(xué)生從事社會(huì)科學(xué)研究，這將無(wú)疑會(huì)出盡中國(guó)進(jìn)行高質(zhì)量硬科學(xué)研究方面的能力，同樣有利于技術(shù)創(chuàng)新。而且作者中國(guó)出現(xiàn)更多的理想主義者和浪漫主義者。
Explanation note: evolutionary psychology of Homo sapiens leftAfrica
ThePleistocene epoch (about 1.6 million to 10,000 years ago), during which humansevolved, was a period of extraordinary constancy and continuity. The narrowhabitat range of the East African Valley and the long span of time ofPleistocene and earlier led to the evolution of a genetic blueprint, includingthe domain general and domain-specific cognitive architectures, which differacross individuals but not across groups or regions (50,62). In Pleistoceneepoch Africa there were very few evolutionarily novel problems for ourancestors to solve during most of human evolutionary history, generalintelligence was never that important in the ancestral environment. Culturesand cultural differences emerged mainly after but not before humans leftAfrica. Another factor contributing to fast growing cultures and culturaldifferences is human acquisition of language, which also seems to have occurredafter, rather than before, humans left Africa (50).
After left Africa, our ancestors did not haveprepared solutions in the form of evolved psychological mechanisms for novel,non-recurrent problems. Novel, non-recurrent problems require thinking andreasoning in order to solve them. Solutions to novel, non-recurrent problemsrequire improvisational intelligence, the ability to reason deductively orinductively, think abstractly, use analogies, synthesize information, and applyit to new domains. As a result, many of our potential ancestors undoubtedlydied because they could not solve these novel problems. Kanazawa (62) arguesthat general intelligence (g) evolved as a domain-specific adaptationagainst the background of the originally limited sphere of evolutionary noveltyin the ancestral environment in Africa. Intelligent individuals are better ableto solve problems than less intelligent individuals, only if the problems areevolutionarily novel. It has become universally important because we now livein an evolutionarily novel world. If novel, non-recurrent problems happenedfrequently enough in the environment of evolutionary adaptedness, then anygenetic mutation that equips its carrier to think and reason would be selectedfor and could evolve as an adaptation in order to solve novel, non-recurrentproblems.
Some intelligence researchers (63-66) point to theimportance of climate and temperature in the evolution of general intelligence.Life in temperate and cold climate in Asia and Europe is harder to survive thanthat in tropical and subtropical climate in Africa where humans lived most ofevolutionary history. Food is scarcer, and shelter and clothing more difficultto construct properly, in colder than in warmer climate. Cognitive demandsplaced by the need to survive harsh winters in cold climate select for higherintelligence, and thus general intelligence is expected to evolve and becomehigher in colder climates. A climate that is too cold to grow crops for part ofthe year demands foresight and self-control skills, which then serve asresources for other development. When migration to frontiers or rugged lands ofcold winter and sparse population; settlement in the frontier encouragesindependent mentality and individualistic social institutions (66). Templer andArikawa’s analysis showed that (67), across 129 nations, winter temperature isnegatively correlated with average intelligence (r=−0.76, P<0.01,with winter high temperature, and r=−0.66, P<0.01, with winter lowtemperature) (Figure 1). These findings could also be viewed as beingcongruent with the contention that higher intelligence evolves in colderclimates. Pathogen, natural disasters, war, and migration all pose significantchallenges to the maintenance and sustainability of human society. Other aspectsof evolutionary novelty include new species of fauna and flora, geography,topography, and altitude.
Pathogenic diseases impose selection pressures onthe social behavior of host populations. The existence of cross-culturaldifferences in human cognition and behavior is also contingent upon therelative presence of pathogens in the local ecology. It has been showncollectivism (compared with individualism) will more often characterizecultures in regions that have historically had higher prevalence of pathogens(68). Drawing on epidemiological data and the findings of worldwidecross-national surveys of individualism/collectivism, Hofstede showed theregional prevalence of pathogens has a strong positive correlation withcultural indicators of collectivism and a strong negative correlation withindividualism (69) (Figure 2). The correlations remain significant evenwhen controlling for potential confounding variables.
Beloware the accounts of historical and contemporary evidence of environmentalvariability of China and North/Western Europe (50).
在離開非洲后，我們的祖先對(duì)于新的、非經(jīng)常發(fā)生的困難還沒有進(jìn)化演變出對(duì)付機(jī)制。新的、非經(jīng)常發(fā)生的困難需要思維和推理予以解決。解決新的、非經(jīng)常發(fā)生的困難需要隨機(jī)應(yīng)變的能力、演繹或歸納推理、抽象思維、類比能力、信息綜合，并將其應(yīng)用到new domains(新領(lǐng)域)。其結(jié)果是我的許多潛在祖先無(wú)疑是死了, 因?yàn)樗麄儧]能解決這些新問題的能力。 Kanazawa(62)認(rèn)為，general intelligence (g) ‘一般智力’ 是祖先在非洲環(huán)境原本有限生物演變新穎性的背景下演變出來的domain-specific adaptation (領(lǐng)域特定的適應(yīng)). 只有困難在生物演變過程中是新的時(shí)候，聰明的個(gè)體才比欠聰明的個(gè)體更有可能克服這些困難。如果新的、非經(jīng)常發(fā)生的困難在生物演變和適應(yīng)的過程中發(fā)生的頻率足夠高，那么任何有利于思考和推理的基因突變在生物演變中會(huì)勝出，以這些解決新的、非經(jīng)常性的問題。 寒冷氣候下嚴(yán)冬的生存提出了較高的認(rèn)知需求，選擇更高的智慧，在寒冷的氣候general intelligence(一般智力) 演變成更高。一年中一段時(shí)間太寒冷而不能種植作物的氣候需要遠(yuǎn)見和自我控制能力，而這些能力然后成為其他能力發(fā)展的源泉。遷移到邊界、寒冷冬季和人口稀少而崎嶇的土地時(shí)，環(huán)境鼓勵(lì)獨(dú)立思維與個(gè)體人主義的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)(66). Templer and Arikawa (67) 分析了129個(gè)國(guó)家的冬季溫度和居民平均智力的關(guān)系，結(jié)果顯示呈現(xiàn)顯著的負(fù)相關(guān)（r = -0.76 ， P < 0.01 ，冬季高溫，r = -0.66 ， P < 0.01 ，冬季低溫）。這一結(jié)果與在寒冷的氣候條件下演化人類較高智力的觀點(diǎn)是一直的。病原、自然災(zāi)害、戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、移民等都對(duì)人類社會(huì)穩(wěn)定性和可持續(xù)性構(gòu)成嚴(yán)重的的挑戰(zhàn).
Latitude and climate
The climate in Europe (36°N to 63°N in latitude) is more variable thanthat in China (18°N to 45°N). Firstly, rainfall and temperature are morevariable over the course of a year and extreme cold is more severe toward thepoles. There were more severe natural disasters in Europe than in China. Forexample, 19 of the worst famines and droughts in recorded history happened inEurope, whereas China has only experienced nine; more ice storms and snowstormsare recorded in Europe than in China; and there have been more earthquakes inEurope than in China (70). Because Earth is tilted at 23°, the duration ofdaylight at higher latitudes is also more variable throughout the year than itis at lower latitudes. The solar radiation energy received on a given surface area,varies throughout the year, and it variations increase with latitude. Thismeans that on a long time scale, China, occupying lower latitudes, has a morestable solar radiation energy level than Europe, located at higher latitudes(71). Finally, because most hominid and human evolution took place in Africaclose to 0° of latitude, high latitude by itself represents environmentalnovelty and variability deviating from the human evolutionary environment.
緯度和氣候歐洲的氣候比中國(guó)變數(shù)更多。首先，一年中降雨和溫度更加多變，而且極端寒冷是向北極更加嚴(yán)重。歷史上歐洲的嚴(yán)重自然災(zāi)害比在中國(guó)更多。例如歷史記錄的最嚴(yán)重的饑荒和干旱19個(gè)發(fā)生在歐洲，而中國(guó)只經(jīng)歷了9個(gè)；歷史上歐洲有更多的的冰凍災(zāi)害和雪災(zāi)；歐洲比中國(guó)有過更多的地震(70).因?yàn)榈厍騼A斜23度繞太陽(yáng)轉(zhuǎn)，一年中高緯度地區(qū)比低緯度地區(qū)日照時(shí)間更加多變。一年中太陽(yáng)輻射給予地球表面的輻射能量的變化幅度隨緯度增高而加大增加。這意味著，從長(zhǎng)時(shí)間看，因?yàn)橹袊?guó)占據(jù)低緯度地區(qū)，比高緯度的歐洲有更穩(wěn)定的太陽(yáng)輻射能量(71). 最后，因?yàn)樽钤既祟惡腿祟愡M(jìn)化主要發(fā)生在緯度為0°的非洲，高緯度本身代表偏離人類原本進(jìn)化環(huán)境的環(huán)境的新穎性和多變性。
Pathogens
China has higher pathogen prevalence than Europe by both historical andcontemporary measures of pathogen prevalence (50). Pathogen itself presents anindependent drive for social learning because the cost of trial and error maybe injury or death. Many studies have found that pathogen prevalence isnegatively correlated with absolute latitude. Specifically, China (18°N to45°N) has been found to have higher pathogen prevalence than Europe (36°N to63°N) by both historical and contemporary measures of pathogen prevalence (71).
病原體在歷史上和當(dāng)代，中國(guó)都比歐洲有更高病原體流行率(50). 因?yàn)?/span>嘗試出錯(cuò)誤 (trial and error) 的成本很高，會(huì)導(dǎo)致生病或死亡，因此病原體流行驅(qū)動(dòng) ‘群體學(xué)習(xí)’ 。許多研究發(fā)現(xiàn)體病原體流行率病原患病率與絕對(duì)緯度負(fù)相關(guān)。具體而言，中國(guó) (1 °～ 45°N) 比歐洲(36°N ～63°N) 更容易發(fā)生病原體流行率。
Warfare
Warfare adds to increased population movement. Environmental change wasrealized through the utilization of new military weapons and technologies anddiffusion of the ideas and cultures of the victorious nations. Throughouthistory, more wars have been fought in Europe than in Asia. From 1816 to 1965,Europe saw 144 interstate and extra-systematic wars whereas 28 of these twotypes of wars have taken place in Asia (excluding the Middle East) (72). Thenumber of war engaging months for this period was 2,514 for Europe and 737 forAsia (72). Another data source shows that, among a total of 177 major militaryconflicts that happened in the world between 1648 and 1989, Europe had 97 warswhereas Asia had only 26, most of which broke out after 1945, and many of whichinvolved Western nations (73). According to Gochman and Maoz (74), as many as261 armed confrontations occurred between 1816 and 1976 in Europe. During thesame period, Asia had140 military disputes, and 99 of them occurred after 1945.According to Neiberg (75), Chinese preferred defense to offense, whereasWestern civilizations advance through exploratory and expansionary means.
戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)增加了人口流動(dòng)。通過新的軍事武器和技術(shù)的利用及戰(zhàn)勝國(guó)的思想和文化傳播實(shí)現(xiàn)了環(huán)境變化。歷史上，歐洲比亞洲有更多的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。從1816年至1965年，歐洲發(fā)生了144次國(guó)與國(guó)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和與其他文化間的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，而這兩類戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的在亞洲發(fā)生只發(fā)生28次（不包括中東）（72）。這期間歐洲2514個(gè)月處于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)狀態(tài)而亞洲為737個(gè)月（72）。另一個(gè)數(shù)據(jù)源顯示，發(fā)生于1648年至1989年間的全球177大的軍事沖突中，歐洲有97戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，而亞洲只有26--且其中亞洲的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)大部分爆發(fā)在1945年以后并大多涉及到西方國(guó)家(73).據(jù)Gochman和Maoz (74), 1816年至1976年 在歐洲發(fā)生了多達(dá)261武裝沖突。在同一時(shí)期，亞洲有140軍事糾紛，其中發(fā)生99件1945年后。根據(jù)Neiberg(75), 中國(guó)喜歡防守，而西方文明的推進(jìn)通過探索和擴(kuò)張性的手段。
責(zé)編：微科普網(wǎng)